Cataclysm 1914: The First World War and the Making of Modern

Cataclysm 1914 brings jointly a few leftist students from quite a few fields to discover the various varied points of the origins, trajectories and outcomes of the 1st global conflict. the gathering not just goals to ascertain the struggle itself, yet seeks to visualize the clash and all its speedy effects (such because the Bolshevik Revolution and ascendency people hegemony) as a defining moment—perhaps the defining moment—in twentieth century global politics rupturing and reconstituting the ‘modern’ epoch in its many instantiations. In doing so, the gathering takes up numerous diverse issues of curiosity to either a common reader, these fascinated with Marxian idea and approach, and leftist and socialist histories of the conflict.

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Additional info for Cataclysm 1914: The First World War and the Making of Modern World Politics (Historical Materialism Book Series, Volume 89)

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See especially Wehler 1969, pp. 112–93; Bade 1975, pp. 67–79, 80–135; also Pogge von Strandmann 1988b, pp. 105–20; Bade 1988, pp. 121–47. 38 Kramer 2006, p. 3. 39 Wehler 1969, pp. 112–42, pp. 423–53, remains the best overall guide, together with Spohn 1977. See also Torp 2005; Conrad 2010, pp. 27–76. , and the Russian (sometimes the French was added as a fourth), against whose global dominance (economically, demographically, geo-strategically) Germany would require comparable resources in order to compete.

26 For excellent commentary developed at the time, see Iggers 1985, pp. 1–48. 27 See especially Fischer 1975, and 1986. 28 See Wehler 1969, p. 115. 29 In one of his more recent iterations, ‘[i]t was only beneath this perspective that Wilhelmine “Weltpolitik” revealed its real meaning, its deeper driving force’. By 1914 that obduracy against reform translated into a permanently embedded pattern of politics, ‘[o]nly this technique of rule seemed to make it possible to continue blocking the reformist modernisation of the social and political constitution in the necessary degree’.

World nations’, and the urgency of further securing Germany’s claims to parity had now grown severe. 42 Indeed, a fundamental qualification for great power status under the new circumstances of intensifying world economic rivalry, which brought into question not just a society’s future prosperity but its very survival, would be Germany’s ability to assemble an equivalent basis for ‘world imperial’ expansion. 43 With the outbreak of war in 1914 the Chancellor Bethmann Hollweg embraced this idea in the form of a customs union between Germany and Austria-Hungary together with the smaller economies of northern Europe and perhaps Italy, which Belgium and France would then be compelled to join.

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