After the Future by Franco “Bifo” Berardi

By Franco “Bifo” Berardi

“Bifo is a grasp of world activism within the age of melancholy. His challenge is knowing genuine present capitalism. feel the depression of the insurrection, get pleasure from this superb ‘labor of the negative!’” —Geert Lovink, Dutch/Australian internet critic

“In this amazing publication the idea that of destiny, which supported the fashionable background of tradition, politics, and economic climate, is revised, reverted, cancelled and at last revived in a unconditionally unforeseen approach. From Futurism to post-futurism, Bifo takes us on a trip via and past the century that relied on within the future.” —Christian Marazzi, writer of The Violence of monetary Capitalism

The century-long obsession with the concept that of the long run has, eventually, come to an finish. starting with F. T. Marinetti's “Futurist Manifesto” and the global race towards a brand new and hugely mechanized society that outlined the “Century of Progress,” Italian media activist Franco “Bifo” Berardi lines the genesis of future-oriented suggestion during the punk move of the early ’70s and into the media revolution of the ’90s. Cyberculture, the final actually utopian imaginative and prescient of the long run, has led to a conflict, and left in the back of an ever-growing procedure of digital existence and genuine dying, of digital wisdom and real war.

The destiny, Bifo argues, has failed us. Our accountability now could be to make your mind up what comes next.

Franco “Bifo” Berardi is an Italian critic and media activist. one of many founders of the infamous Radio Alice, a pirate radio station that turned the voice of the self reliant early life flow of Bologna within the overdue Nineteen Seventies, Bifo is the writer of a number of works of concept, together with The Soul at Work, Precarious Rhapsody, and “The Post-Futurist Manifesto.”

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If the concept of capitalism used by Wallerstein and WST scholars is too broad, that of Political Marxists is too narrow. 121 Market dependency and the concomitant separation of the ‘economic’ and ‘political’ are thereby taken as the sine qua non of capitalism. 122 Political Marxists therefore draw a sharp distinction between (noncapitalist) extra-economic forms of surplus extraction and (capitalist) noncoercive forms of surplus extraction mediated by the market. Any mode of surplus extraction that does not conform to the latter market-dependent form, and any social formation characterised by extra-economic forms of surplus extraction, is therefore conceived as non-capitalist.

This obscures from view the extensive development of productive forces in non-European contexts, such as with the early modern tributary empires of the Ottomans and Mughals (see Chapters 4 and 8) and the dynamic colonial plantation systems in the Americas over the 16th to 18th centuries. In so doing, it occludes from the outset the possibility that productive forces transmitted from these extra-European sources to Europe contributed to the formation of capitalism in Europe itself (see Chapters 3, 4, 5 and 8).

138 Might not the same be said of Political Marxists’ conceptualisation of the relationship between ‘the international’ and capitalism? Or, for that matter, their theorisations of the origins of capitalism itself? Ultimately, despite its rigour and its many insights into the origins of capitalism, Political Marxism must be judged as sorely lacking. Its pristinely abstract and consequently Eurocentric theorisation of capitalism and its origins is, we argue, historically untenable as it excises such huge swathes of capitalism’s history (including colonialism, slavery and war) that it becomes historically (and theoretically) unrecognisable.

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