A Middle Class Without Democracy: Economic Growth and the by Jie Chen
By Jie Chen
What sort of position can the center category play in capability democratization in such an undemocratic, past due constructing nation as China? to respond to this profound political in addition to theoretical query, Jie Chen explores attitudinal and behavioral orientation of China's new center category to democracy and democratization. Chen's paintings relies on a different set of knowledge amassed from a probability-sample survey and in-depth interviews of citizens in 3 significant chinese language towns, Beijing, Chengdu and Xi'an--each of which represents a special point of monetary improvement in city China-in 2007 and 2008. The empirical findings derived from this information set be sure that (1) in comparison to different social sessions, fairly reduce periods, the recent chinese language center class-especially these hired within the kingdom apparatus-tends to be extra supportive of the present Party-state yet much less supportive of democratic values and associations; (2) the recent heart class's attitudes towards democracy should be accounted for through this class's shut ideational and institutional ties with the country, and its perceived socioeconomic well being, between different elements; (3) the shortcoming of aid for democracy one of the heart classification has a tendency to reason this social category to behave in prefer of the present kingdom yet against democratic alterations.
an important political implication is that whereas China's center classification isn't more likely to function the harbinger of democracy now, its present attitudes towards democracy may perhaps swap sooner or later. one of these the most important shift within the heart class's orientation towards democracy can ensue, specially while its dependence at the Party-state decreases and belief of its personal social and monetary statuses turns pessimistic. the most important theoretical implication from the findings means that the attitudinal and behavioral orientations of the center class-as a complete and as a part-toward democratic swap in past due constructing nations are contingent upon its dating with the incumbent kingdom and its perceived social/economic well being, and the center class's aid for democracy in those nations is much from inevitable.
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Extra resources for A Middle Class Without Democracy: Economic Growth and the Prospects for Democratization in China
This branch, the “quantitative” branch, suggests that the best way to capture an individual’s class identity is to form a quantitative index of income, education, and occupation and then to identify the person with a social class according to the person’s position on the index. As a 32 A MIDDLE CLASS WITHOUT DEMOCRACY result, the middle class usually consists of those who are in the middle range of the scale. For example, Lester Milbrath (1977, 91) has suggested that “persons who scored high on all three factors would be placed in the upper class; those who scored high on two factors but medium or low on one factor would be in the next rank.
In chapter 4, I then examine the sociopolitical and sociodemographic sources of the middle class’s democratic support. Following the contingent approach, which has been discussed earlier in this chapter, I hypothesize that the political orientation of the middle class in China may be shaped mainly by the middle class’s connection with the state. To test the hypothesis, I explore two dimensions of this connection: institutional and ideational. The institutional dimension is measured by middle-class individuals’ memberships with the Communist Party and their employment in the state sector, while the ideational connection is gauged by the beliefs of middle-class members in the values/norms promoted by the government led by the CCP.
3) The lack of support for democracy among the middle class tends to cause this social class to act in favor of the current state but in opposition to democratic changes. These three hypotheses (or arguments) will be explored and tested against the data collected from the probability-sample survey and the set of in-depth interviews, which will be explained in the following section. IV. Data The data used in this study came from a probability-sample survey and a set of in-depth interviews (see Appendix), both of which were conducted in three Chinese cities, Beijing, Chengdu, and Xi’an, in INTRODUCTION 21 late 2007 and early 2008.